‘I am standing up to fight’: how Georgia’s protests extend beyond Tbilisi

Since 28 November, when Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced the halting of Georgia’s EU accession bid until 2028, anti-government demonstrations have erupted across the country, challenging the ruling party’s increasingly authoritarian grip.

In the western region of Samegrelo, a persistent centre of protest has emerged in Zugdidi, Georgia’s sixth largest city, where local residents have mobilised to demand fair elections and the release of unjustly arrested political prisoners.

Beyond these immediate concerns, their protests also tackle environmental protection, fair labour policies, school meals for children, and universal healthcare — the protesters contend they are fighting for justice, equality, and a better future for all. The broad scope of demands helps underscore that the ongoing crisis in Georgia is not only political, but social and economic as well.

A movement beyond Tbilisi

For 65 days and counting, a group of elderly women from the villages of Samegrelo have been travelling to Zugdidi to join the protests.

‘Our children are abroad — [in] Italy, Germany, Russia. They send us money to take a taxi every day to come here and protest’, a 75-year-old woman from the coastal town of Anaklia, accompanied by two neighbours, tells OC Media.

A 57-year-old teacher echoes her sentiment.

‘Our generation carries many restrictions from the times we were raised. Now, students ask questions, they demand a better education and social justice. Isn’t it the dream of every teacher to see their students be better than previous generations? I believe in the power of the unity of these youngsters’, she says.

Despite mounting legal pressure against activists in Zugdidi, their defiance persists. At least 80 people gather every day in front of the Administration of the State Representative.

‘There is justice, and there is law. But the existence of a law does not mean it is just or fair. Laws do not always uphold justice’, Archil Todua, an activist and professor at Shota Meskhia University says while addressing police on 13th of February.

Reminding them of the oath they had taken to protect the people, uphold the Georgian Constitution, defend human rights and freedoms, maintain political neutrality, and adhere to the principles of legality, he urges them to remember that it was their duty to prevent discrimination in any form.

Mariam Sitchinava, head of the regional organisation of the opposition Droa party and a civil activist, has refused to face the multitude of fines imposed on her since the beginning of the pro-European protests, totaling ₾26,000 ($9,300) as of February 2025.

‘I entered this disobedience consciously from the very beginning. When we say that the government is illegitimate, the parliament is illegitimate, and the president is illegitimate, why should we obey the executive branch?’ she asks. ‘Why should we give legitimacy to something we claim is illegitimate?’

Sitchinava emphasises that for her, this fight is also about the future of her nine-year-old daughter.

‘I hope someday she will forgive me for the time I cannot spend with her, but I am standing up to fight for her better future’, she says.

Keren Esebua, another activist and an internally displaced person (IDP) from Abkhazia, understands the fragility of freedom and the necessity of resistance.

‘The police regime rules the regions and represents one of the main pillars on which the oligarchic system relies’, she tells OC Media.

‘Standing in all regions and large cities is one of the main prerequisites for our victory’, she adds.

The power of decentralised actions

As protests continue in cities and villages beyond Tbilisi, they serve as a crucial reminder that resistance to the government is not confined to the capital.

‘The decentralisation of protests stretches government resources, makes repression more difficult, and builds a stronger, more resilient movement’, Esebua says.

‘[The government] simply cannot allocate a lot of resources everywhere where the protests are going on. At some point, the regime will be exhausted. Every protest, whether in Zugdidi, Batumi, or a small village in Samegrelo, contributes to the broader fight against authoritarianism’, she says.

Activists in Zugdidi stress that decentralisation is one of the key strategies for achieving victory.

‘Decentralisation allows movements to persist even if key figures are arrested or silenced, ensuring that resistance cannot be easily crushed’, Vartagava, a social worker and queer activist from the village of Kheta in Samegrelo, tells OC Media.

She believes that the regional protests are an essential countermeasure against isolation and oppression that ‘Georgian Dream is trying to impose on us’.

Vartagava highlights the example of Batumi, Georgia’s second-largest city, where decentralised protests have pressured local institutions and inspired more people to join the movement.

Since the beginning, the protests in Batumi have had strong public participation, as demonstrators rally against the government’s anti-European policies, using creative resistance tactics like performances, silent protests, and mass gatherings.

In addition, Mzia Amaghlobeli, the founder of the Batumlebi and Netgazeti media outlets, went on hunger strike for 38 days, while another Batumi activist, Temur Katamdze, went on his own hunger strike for 48 days.

Vartagava believes that their persistence and unity has served as an example for other regions, showing that grassroots movements can challenge authority and mobilise communities toward democratic change. She sees the Samegrelo protests having a similar impact, empowering local communities to resist authoritarianism.

‘The consistency of the protests in one region [or] rural area can inspire people in other places to stand up against the current oppressive regime’, Vartagava says.

‘We will win’, Esebua says with determination. ‘And we will win together, with united forces’.