‘Our voice is heard the loudest from here’: Georgia’s students occupy their universities

‘I said no; no one is coming in!’ — with these words, Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University rector Giorgi Shalutashvili blocked students from entering the university building on 18 December 2024.

The students had come to replace their peers who spent the night inside, staging a sit-in to demand the university take a stance on the prosecutions of former student and actor Andro Chichinadze and Vepkhia Kaszradze, an actor at the Tskhinvali Theatre who were arrested at the ongoing pro-European demonstrations in Tbilisi.

The official statement from the university released the next day did not explicitly condemn the arrests. Instead, it vaguely called for ‘the maximum legal concessions to be applied to secure their release’ — a far cry from the outright support the students had hoped for. Disappointed and defiant, they refused to leave the building, continuing the sit-in for more than 80 days.

On 9 March, the sit-in officially came to an end after police raided the building three times, and fined at least nine students ₾5,000 ($1,800) each. Following this, around 10 students reportedly received notices that the university’s ethics commission had decided to suspend their status.

While the students at Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University were some of the most visible in their actions, students from at least seven other universities across Georgia similarly chose to occupy classrooms within their own universities. Their demands have been similar to the protesters on Rustaveli Avenue: the scheduling of new fair elections, the release of those unlawfully detained during the protests, and clear public statements from universities expressing their stance on these issues.

Why university sit-ins instead of protesting on Rustaveli Avenue?

For many students, the decision to occupy university spaces rather than join the mass demonstrations on Rustaveli Avenue was not made in advance — it was shaped by the resistance they encountered within their own institutions.

‘At first, we didn’t plan to stay’, Keti Javakhishvili, a student from Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University, says, ‘But the way they responded — the hostility we faced from the rector, the chancellor, and their deputies — made it clear that they are part of the same system we are protesting against. Their actions mirrored those of the government: repression, intimidation, and restricting our freedom of movement’.

As students realised that their universities were operating under the same power structures they were resisting on a national level, occupying these spaces took on new meaning.

‘Universities are small models of the larger system. If we start deconstructing it here, we can return these spaces to the students. Instead of being governed from above by power structures that function like a clan, universities should belong to students’, Javakhishvili says.

For Masho Makashvili, another student from the Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University, the sit-ins were a deeply personal decision.

‘I always think about the fact that I’m not just a citizen — I’m a student, too. If the place where I’ve been studying for years doesn’t allow me to freely express my opinions, then I have to fight within that space. I’m in my final year, and when I imagine first-year students coming into the same broken system I had to endure, I can’t just accept it’, Makashvili tells OC Media.

On 13 January, inspired by their peers, students at Tbilisi State University (TSU) announced their own sit-in — though their resistance had started much earlier.

On 19 November, when the non-stop protests were just taking shape, the government deployed riot police on TSU grounds to prepare for a crackdown on demonstrators. The following morning, the university’s students pushed their way into the main building, occupying an auditorium and demanding the resignation of the rector, Jaba Samushia.

TSU student Naniko Baramia recalls that many of the students did not know each other before deciding to occupy the auditorium together.

‘Personally, I met most of the people here for the first time when the 023 auditorium was occupied’, Baramia tells OC Media, noting that she heard about and joined the occupation two days after it started.

‘Since then, those of us who were in the 023 auditorium have continued working together and decided to enter the university again’, she says.

For TSU student Achi Gochitashvili, just as for the students from the Theatre and Film University, the sit-ins are not just a symbolic protest but a direct challenge to the system itself. By occupying their own institutions, they disrupt the very structures that, in their view, have been co-opted by the government.

‘Our presence and internal protest here have already led to actions such as [14 January’s] supposed announcement by GWP [Georgian Water and Power] that water would be cut off, leading to the cancellation of classes. But in reality, the water is running as usual — this was done just to disrupt our movement. If we continue our presence, we can cause further disruptions, loosen a screw in the system, and reclaim our university’, Gochitashvili tells OC Media.

Student demands and administrative resistance

While each university has its own grievances and administrative challenges, a common thread unites them: they are in sync with the demands of the protests on Rustaveli Avenue. However, even before the protests in the centre of Tbilisi broke out, the spark was first lit in a university in Batumi.

The student movement in Batumi erupted as a direct response to allegations that the university administration, including the rector and senior officials, had actively supported the ruling Georgian Dream party during the 2024 parliamentary elections. Protesters accused the administration of engaging in election campaigning and even participating in election fraud. Outraged by these claims, students initiated a sit-in at Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University, demanding accountability and new elections.

Their defiance soon ignited a wave of similar protests across Georgia following the government’s decision to halt Georgia’s EU accession process, with students in Tbilisi and beyond carrying on the movement, including students at the Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University.‘From the beginning, we faced various forms of pressure. We were denied access to heating, and when we brought in our own heating devices, we weren’t allowed to use them. We were also prevented from using mattresses, so we had to smuggle them in secretly’, Makashvili tells OC Media.

The situation worsened when security restricted students from rotating shifts inside the occupied university building.

‘[One] night, security guards informed us that the seven students inside the building would not be allowed to switch out with others, meaning they had to stay overnight without food or rest. When we asked to provide them with food, we were told, “If they are hungry, they should go home”. The only food we were allowed to pass through had to fit under the door. This was deeply humiliating’, Makashvili says.

‘That’s when we realised that a rector who could starve students into submission had no place in our university’, Makashvili adds, highlighting that the moment became a turning point in the student-led protest movement.

Instead of backing down when the security officer attempted to block the entryway, Makashvili says that around 70 students ‘stormed into the university’.

‘Whether it was seven people or just one person whose rights were being violated, we would all stand up for them’.

At TSU, access to the university itself has also become an obstacle.

‘Entering the university has become more difficult due to the requirement to show our student portal to verify our student status. Many students feel uncomfortable and believe they should be able to enter freely’, TSU student Naniko Baramia tells OC Media.

Administrative resistance at TSU has manifested in other ways as well. Attempts to bring supplies inside turned into a contest of endurance between students and security.

‘Security tried to snatch the boxes from us, and we ended up running with the boxes while they chased us. Eventually, they gave up, and we managed to set up the mattresses’, Baramia notes.

For Gochitashvili, the most important thing is that the administration takes a stand.

‘The time for neutrality is over. They must show whether they stand with us or with the Russian oligarch’, Gochitashvili tells OC Media, referring to Georgian Dream founder Bidzina Ivanishvili.

The administration’s attempts to intervene have only strengthened students’ determination.

‘Security wasn’t allowing us to bring blankets and pillows inside, so we coordinated with our friends, who passed them through a different entrance with help from Ilia University students. These supplies were secured with the support of Nanuka’s Fund, ensuring we could continue our protest as we see fit’, Gochitashvili adds.

Unlike TSU and the Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University, Ilia State University (ISU) has been supporting student activism rather than suppressing it. Banners remain visible, and students are not obstructed from protesting.

‘We do not have any conflicts with the administration, unlike other universities. On the contrary, they support us’, Anano Abuladze, a student of literary studies at ISU, tells OC Media.

For Abuladze, the sit-ins are about continuity and unity across multiple universities.

‘The first day started spontaneously. A large group of us entered the university, wanting the beginning of our sit-in to be not just about occupying space but to be memorable and symbolic. We entered wearing balaclavas, made a statement, set off fireworks — this has now become part of our daily agenda. Every day, we express solidarity with all those who have been arrested or fined under this law and declare our defiance against the regime’, Abuladze says.

Lecturers in support of their students

While students have been at the forefront of these demonstrations, many lecturers also believe that their universities should take a firmer stance in defending academic freedom and the rights of their students.

‘In various countries, such as Serbia, for example, we have seen mass mobilisations and protests initiated by students. Here as well, student protests were the first wave that kicked off the demonstrations’, Lasha Janjghava, a lecturer at ISU who teaches Introduction to Contemporary Thought, tells OC Media.

‘It is crucial for students to raise their voices first because, above all, these issues directly affect them — their future, their education, the kind of country they will live in, and their prospects. Of course, these issues concern everyone, but students are impacted first and foremost’, he adds.

Janjghava acknowledges that there is no single formula for effective protest but believes that the students’ commitment to overnight sit-ins at their universities deserves recognition.

‘We are in an ongoing process, and through experience, we learn which methods work and which do not’, he says, adding that student activism at ISU has turned the campus into a powerful symbol of resistance.

‘This is especially evident when you step into Ilia State University — there are banners everywhere, and it is clear that the university is not just an educational institution but also a center of protest. Others, including those who may be more neutral about these events, notice this as well’, Janjghava says.

ISU’s foyer is filled with banners and posters that stand in solidarity with the ongoing protests. Near the entrance of the main building, a blackboard is updated daily, marking each day of the sit-ins.

Although ISU is positioning itself in support of the students and their demands, Janjghava believes the institution’s response could be stronger.

‘When students were on strike and classes were not being held, the university was as accommodating as possible, even in terms of rescheduling coursework and assessments. I am not sure in what other ways protests could be expressed, but I do feel that something is still missing’, he says.

Tinatin Macharashvili, an Associate Professor of Journalism at TSU, has also been vocal about the need for stronger institutional support.

‘We are here because we want the university administration to stand with us and express a clearer position, demonstrating solidarity first and foremost with its own students who are now behind bars and unable to participate in their academic processes. These students are living in an entirely different reality’, Macharashvili tells OC Media.

Macharashvili notes that the students’ demands, particularly their call for the release of detained protesters, is ‘something very legitimate’.

‘They are calling for the release of those imprisoned by this regime, who, by the way, are TSU students. At this stage, we know for sure that these are Zviad Tsetskhladze and Rezi Kiknadze, although there may be others whose identities we have not yet managed to confirm’, Macharashvili says.

Beyond public statements, Macharashvili and other lecturers have sought practical ways to support students affected by the protests.

‘Several of us lecturers stood by them [protesting students] as they made this statement, expressing a form of support. We came up with the idea to ensure that these students, who are unable to attend classes, do not fall behind in their education. We have begun organising public discussions and lectures for them, and any TSU student is welcome to join this initiative’, Macharashvili  says.

More than just occupying space

The university sit-ins are not just about occupying space — they have become a hub of political and intellectual activity, transforming classrooms into centres of resistance.

‘Every day, we try to organise something new. For example, we invite professors to give public lectures, which are open to all students. We want to involve other students in these activities and make them part of the process’, Baramia says.

Students are determined to make their presence felt through creative and strategic protest actions.

‘Our presence here will not be in vain’, Gochitashvili says, adding that they join street protests in the evenings before returning to the university sit-ins afterwards.

At the Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University, students used performance art to amplify their message.

‘Yesterday [29 January], we held a performance in support of Mzia Amaghlobeli, [the detained founder of independent Georgian news outlets Netgazeti and Batumelebi] who has been on hunger strike. From 12:00 to 24:00, every hour, we read aloud what happens to the human body during prolonged starvation. It was her 18th day without food, so we read about the effects of an 18-day hunger strike. Passersby stopped to listen and even recorded us’, Makashvili recalls.

Despite the multitude of activities, the future of the sit-ins remains uncertain, especially given the abrupt end to the protest at the Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University. At the other universities, there is no fixed timeline and no clear endpoint — only the conviction that they will continue as long as necessary.

‘From the start, we said we would stay here as long as it was necessary, and if our presence was needed elsewhere, we would move. We continue to operate on this principle. Our future plans are not strictly defined — especially considering how quickly events change — but we continue to work, adapt, and grow within this movement’, Anano Abuladze says.